The issue of how the New Testament authors dealt with slavery is one that continues to be controversial, often used by atheists as grounds for attacking, if not rejecting the Bible as a source if moral authority outright.[1] This post will suggest that this reading of the new Testament texts is simplistic and the New Testament authors’ references to slavery have to be understood within the Greco-Roman world’s concept of a household.
Makeup of the Roman household
Didymus was the court philosopher of Augustus, a stoic, seen as a confidant of the princeps and the author of Epitome Peripatetic Ethics and Politics found in the fifth century anthology of Johannes Stobaeus.[2] The section dealing with household management is found in Stobaeus 2.147.26-152.25. Here we find that Didymus, or other Stoic philosophers he is relying upon, have slightly modified the thinking of Aristotle, probably in the light of the different political situation the principate put them in.[3] Aristotle constructs the πόλις (city) from a household that is built on the foundation of the relationship of master and slave, as well as husband and wife.[4] In contrast, Didymus begins with the οἶκος (household) and mentions no slave, the first relationship is solely that between husband and wife, Πολιτεία δὲ πρώτη σύνοδος ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς κατὰ νόμον . . . Τοῦτο δὲ προσονομάζεται μὲν οἶκος (and the city is firstly the bringing together if man and woman according to law … and this is called a household).[5] The κατὰ νόμον (according to the law) according to which man and woman come together does hint at Aristotle’s scathing characterisation of how non-Hellene unions are contracted, ἀλλὰ γίνεται ἡ κοινωνία αὐτῶν δούλης καὶ δούλου. διό φασιν οἱ ποιηταὶ (but their marriage or fellowship is slavish by nature and a union of slaves. Hence the saying of the poets).[6]
Aristotle’s determination regarding the relationships of the so-called βάρβαροι (barbarians) is based upon the fact that there is no differentiation among them between the rank of the woman and the slave, τὸ θῆλυ καὶ τὸ δοῦλον τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχει τάξιν· (the woman and the slave have the same status) is caused, for Aristotle, by the fact that the barbarians τὸ φύσει ἄρχον οὐκ ἔχουσιν (do not have natural rulers).[7] So, Aristotle concludes, βαρβάρων δ᾿ Ἕλληνας ἄρχειν εἰκός (The Greeks have rulership of the barbarians).[8]
Didymus is clear, the Roman household has order. It is brought together according to law, νόμος, perhaps an echo of Augustus’s reign long focus on encouraging marriage and reforming Rome’s laws to further support the institution.[9] It contains within itself the constitution of the city, καὶ τῆς πολι- | τείας, while there is a lacuna in our text ‘constitution’ is a reasonable assumption given the sentence that immediately follows. Didymus believes that βασιλεία (kingdom/rule by a king), ἀριστοκρατία (aristocracy/rule by an elite class) and δημοκρατία (democracy/rule by(some of) the people) are all forms of government that arise out of the relationships to be found in the οἶκος (the household).[10] This continues to respond to Aristotle’s critique of non-Hellene marriages not having τὸ φύσει ἄρχον (natural rulers) as suggested above and, prepares to support and reinforce the current structures of principate Rome.[11]
While Didymus argues that the οἶκος (household) contains within it all three forms of government: kingship, aristocracy and democracy, he says it is the relationship of parent to child which produces kingship Γονέων μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τέκνα κοινωνίας τὸ σχῆμα βασιλικόν (The relationship of parents with the child has the form of a royal relationship). This is within the context of a Rome where the Senate in 2 B.C.E. had awarded Augustus the title pater patriae. The importance of this accolade to Augustus can be seen from the arrangement of the Forum Auguste. [12] The chariot statue, quadriga, presented to Augustus by the Senate and inscribed with the title pater patriae was placed on the central axis of the façade of the Temple of Mars Ultor so that it was the focus of the piazza (see Fig. 1 below).
Fig. 1 – plan of the Forum Auguste.[13]
Didymus, re-emphasises the fundamental importance of the father, for it is he, τὸ ἄρρεν, that takes the initiative to come together with the female, τῷ θήλει, for the purpose, κατὰ, of procreation and that the family, γένους διαμονῆς, might be preserved.[14] At this point this paper disagrees with Georgia Tsouni’s translation of Didymus’s text. Didymus, nor Roman society, expects the man and woman to achieve this purpose alone, they are expected to get, ἐφίεσθαι, a co-worker, συνεργὸν, a word used by Paul in Romans to describe Urbanus.[15] Tsouni’s translation glosses over what is being discussed by not translating προσλαβομένων.[16] ‘Grab/pick up’ seems a much more appropriate translation since προσλαβομένων εἴτε φύσει δοῦλον . . . εἴτε καὶ νόμῳ δοῦλον makes clear that it is a slave (δοῦλον) that is being discussed here. The translation of προσλαβομένων in the colloquial and objectifying manner of ‘grab’ or ‘pick up’, which I have suggested, is justified because the owning of a slave was entirely normal, going to the market to get one was a casual act. [17]
Didymus sums up this unit, the οἷκός (household) quite clearly: he argues that naturally men have the role of ruling the household, Τούτου δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατὰ φύσιν ἔχειν τὸν ἄνδρα (the rule of this, according to nature, is the man’s) and this is a man’s role as a father, a husband, γαμικόν, and more importantly for this paper, as the master of the household.[18] The ‘master’ here is the Greek word δεσποτικόν which is used primarily to refer to the relationship between master and slave.[19] The Roman household includes slaves and Didymus is quite clear, οἰκείαν ἀνδρὸς ὑπάρχειν (The man is the household).[20]
The idealised Roman οἶκός
This idea of the central role of the family and of the paterfamilias was firmly entrenched by Augustus. He passed three pieces of legislation, the lex Julia and de maritandis ordinibus in 18 B.C.E. and the lex Papia-Poppaea in 9 C.E. These discouraged not getting married: unmarried persons were not permitted to inherit anything; limited the rights of inheritance of those who had below three or four children, depending upon their status; financially penalized marriages between persons from different social ranks and made it impossible to register the offspring of such marriages; enshrined in the making of government appointments a preference for married men with three or more children and made adultery an offence against the state.[21]
Augustus’s regime did not only use laws to entrench this view of the family and the role of the father. Livy, Virgil and Horace took up these themes in their writings. For example, Horace’s carmen saeculare, dated to 17 B.C.E., was a piece enacted at a public event of high importance for Augustus’s regime. In the piece Horace prays for the success of the marriage laws and refers to Augustus as ‘father,
diva, producas subolem patrumque
prosperes decreta super iugandis
feminis prolisque novae feraci
lege marita,[22]
(Goddess, bless the birth of children and give success to
the measure of the senate for the yoking of women
and on the marriage law for raising a new crop of children)
The theme of marriage, family and the good of the state and community are also reinforced through art like the ara pacis (altar of peace), commissioned in 13 B.C.E. and dedicated on Livia’s birthday, 30 January, in 9 B.C.E. In the image below, which is on the dominant South side of the ara, is represented Augustus’s family.
Image 1 – Ara Pacis, detail of the South side frieze showing a part of Augustus’s family.[23]
Scholarly opinion seems settled concerning the identity of all but two of the figures on the ara pacis.[24] What is missing from scholarly treatments of the representations of Augustus’s family is any notion that slaves may be depicted by the two figures remaining in dispute. These two figures are child-like in stature and unlike the other children not dressed in typically Roman style dress. One ‘child’ appears on the South frieze clutching Agrippa’s toga (see Image 2 below), the other is on the North frieze clutching the hand of a man slightly behind him and pulling at the toga of the man in front of him (see image 3 below).
Image 2 – ara pacis, south frieze, figure clutching Agrippa’s toga[25]
Image 3 – ara pacis, North frieze, figure holding hand of a togatus[26]
Both figures are clad in tunics. The tunic of the child on the Northern frieze has slipped off his shoulder, revealing his shoulder down to just above his waist and so short as to not cover the figure’s buttocks. The figure on the Southern frieze is also revealing his shoulder but has his tunic belted at the waist. Both figures appear to be wearing torques and have long curly hair that reaches to their shoulders in a very un-Roman fashion (see images 4 – North frieze and 5 – South frieze, below).
Image 4 – ara pacis, North frieze – detail.[27]
Image 5 – ara pacis, South frieze, detail[28]
Sande suggests that there are two main interpretations of these figures: the first being that they are the sons of Julia, Gaius and Lucius Caesar, who have been adopted by Augustus, are dressed as ‘camilli’ (attendants) and wearing torques as symbols of their Trojan heritage; and, the second interpretation is that these figures represent barbarian princely hostages.[29]
An alternative interpretation would be to recognise that Augustan ideology of the οἷκός (household) and of the state, as established above, saw slaves as an integral part of both. They had no voice and no decision-making ability, that was vested in the Roman male who stood at the head of each familia, but they were a part of the Roman household. Thus, if the ara pacis represents the whole Roman state coming together in thanksgiving or supplication might not some representation of slave subjects be expected?
Taking this further, and attempting to justify why these two figures have been chosen as possibly representing slaves it would seem important to address the issue of how age is presented in Roman art. Puer (boy) has two core references, it refers to a freeborn male between the ages of seven and fourteen and it also refers to a male slave of any age. In art freeborn boys are usually represented as physically older than they really are. This, as Sande says, manifests the boy’s, ‘dignitas and gravitas.’(dignity/sense of self-worth and seriousness of purpose/earnestness).[30]
Slaves, in contrast, were represented as children. To illustrate this, consider the fresco from the House of the Triclinium, Pompeii. This depicts (see Image 6 below) the end of a banquet, some of the guests are clearly rising, one appears unable to stand without assistance. What is clear is how the slaves are depicted in a childlike form in comparison to the master and guests. The contrast is nicely illustrated by the mislabelling of this image on a University of Connecticut webpage where the image is subtitled as a ‘multigenerational banquet’.[31]
Image 6 – ‘End of the banquet’, House of the Triclinium, Pompeii[32]
The same difference in the representation of slaves and free household members is shown in the kitchen of the House of Sutoria Primigenia at Pompeii (see Image 10 below). There we find a lararium painting of the household gathered together to offer sacrifice to the household deities. It is thought that the smallest individuals, who are also dressed plainly, are the household slaves.[33]
Image 7 - Lares and snakes. Fresco from Pompeii.[34]
Image 7 above, also from Pompeii and now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli shows the lares as two large dominating figures, the paterfamilias’s genius, slightly less large than the lares and identified as a deity by his holding of a cornucopia and associated with the paterfamilias since he is wearing a toga praetexta (a toga with a purple border). He is pouring a libation in preparation for the sacrifice of the pig held by what are presumed to be one of two attendant slaves. The flute player, tibicen, is thought to be a freedman since he is wearing a toga and is significantly larger than the attendants.[35]
Turning to how the figures from the ara pacis are represented, attention should be given to the long, flowing and curly hair that both figures have. Sande, rejecting the idea that this is a barbarian hairstyle, describes it instead as an, ‘elaborate coiffure’.[36] Servile youths with such hairstyles have been identified by John Pollini as performing attendant functions at cultic rites and waiting on the master’s table at home.[37] As evidence for this Pollini cites Seneca letters in which he uses the verb ornare to describe how a male slave is turned out.[38] The verb ornare, Pollini argues, is usually used to refer to coiffure and this is supported, for example, by John Henderson’s analysis of Ovid’s use of the verb in Amores 2.7.[39] Pollini also relies upon Philo’s categorisation and description of male slaves in De Vita Contemplativa. Pollini’s main point in drawing upon De Vita Contemplativa is with regard to the fringe that γραμμῆς κυκλοτεροῦς ἠκριβωμένον σχῆμα (evened at the end so as to make them of an equal length all round).[40] This Pollini claims demonstrates the ‘look’ that such slave boys came to have, coiffed shoulder length hair, in contrast to women whose hair would be pinned up at the back, and a trimmed framed fringe with crescent moon shaped locks across the forehead.[41]
With the two figures in question from the ara pacis we can see that they wear shoulder length coiffed hair with fringes cut to leave their foreheads clear (See images 5 and 6 above). While it is hard to be sure in exactly what style their fringes are cut due to the angle of the head of the figure in the North frieze and the hand of the adult resting on the figure in the South frieze, what can be seen of the hairstyles of the two figures supports consideration that these figures represent slaves in the imperial household.
Further evidence for such consideration may be adduced from another of Seneca’s letters where he distinguishes between slave boys who will be sexually exploited by their masters and free-born boys. The distinguishing feature is, ne quis, cui rectior est coma, crispulis misceatur (having curled tresses rather than straight hair).[42] It is, Seneca suggests, the coiffed long curly hair that allows the Roman man to distinguish between the off limits free-born boy and the well-presented slave boy. Pollini rightly reminds us that free-born boys may have curly hair as well and that it is length of hair, slave boys wearing their hair shoulder length, that would be the difference.[43] This is supported by the Satyrica where the hair of Giton, the male slave lover of Enclopius, is described as: Curabo, longe tibi sit comula ista basalis (I will arrange those pretty long curls of yours) and is suggested earlier in the text as well, inter pueros capillatos ludentem pila (playing ball with some long-haired boys). nec tam pueri nos, quamquam erat operae pretium, ad spectaculum duxerant (It was not the boys who caught our attention, though they deserved it).[44]
Schmeling, in his commentary on the Satyrica, asserts that ‘long hair’ was considered beautiful in boys and denoted them as delicate, available for sexual use by both their masters and mistresses.[45] This is also the sense we get from Trimalchio, who came to Rome as a long-haired boy, and was then quickly used as a puer delicatus (catamite) by his master and mistress. Trimalchio’s summation of the experience, nec turpe est quod dominus iubet. Ego tamen et ipsimae dominae satis faciebam. Scitis, quid dicam: taceo (No disgrace in obeying your master's orders. Well, I used to amuse my mistress too. You know what I mean; I say no more).[46]
So, contra both the main suggested interpretations of the two figures in question, who see the hair and general presentation of these two figures as indicators that they belong to either the Roman or barbarian elite, this paper argues that it should be considered that, actually, they are presented in such a way that it should be considered that they may be slaves, and, in fact, why would the Roman first family want nobility presented in such a way that they might be mistaken for slaves?
A final consideration, which Zanker suggests alludes to the fact that these are Gaius and Lucius Caesar, is the fact that they are wearing torques.[47] Zanker’s justification for this is that they reference the Troy Games which Augustus was promoting back into fashion in Rome and is a piece with the foundation myth Virgil wrote for Augustus.[48] Zanker, however, has to acknowledge that the figures seem to represent figures too young to be Gaius and Lucius, breaking, as noted above, the conventions for representing free-born Roman youth in art.[49]
It is clear that the figure in the North frieze (image 4 above) is requesting attention from the adult to his right, but is being ignored. Sande goes so far as to suggest that the two adult figures with him are ‘unconcerned’ about their smaller companion.[50] That lack of attention to the figure by the adults he is with also suggests that to identify him as Lucius Caesar, as per Zanker, or Agrippa Posthumus, as Sande does, and to explain the two accompanying adults as being indifferent to him because he was ‘squeezed’ in at the last minute is unjustified.[51] The ‘striking’ intimacy Zanker, rightly, detects between the figure on the South frieze and the figure representing Agrippa, and the familiarity if the figure on the North frieze with the men he is with, can be explained if the figures represent the male slaves who would attend on their masters at cultic rites and at table.[52] Indeed, regarding these two figures as slaves allows the questions of hair, dress and age to be resolved as well.
Conclusion
What this paper shows, as per Aristotle and Didymus, is that a slave was considered to be a basic part of both Greek and Roman households. The writers of the New Testament could not have conceived of a world, until its end, in which slavery would no longer exist.[53] What atheists seem to be expecting is for the New Testament writers to transcend their context. The extent of this is illustrated by the discussion of the ara pacis and my argument that the unidentified figures on the North and South sides are slave members of Augustus’s household. If the argument is successful, then we can see that even at the pinnacle of Roman society slaves are a fundamental of the household.
C. Anthony Braddick-Southgate
Bibliography
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Billows, Richard. "The religious procession of the Ara Pacis Augustae: Augustus' supplicatio in 13 B.C." Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 (1993): 80-92.
Cable, Louis W. Does The Bible Condone Slavery? Atheist Community of Austin, 2015 [cited 30/12/ 2019]. Available from https://atheist-community.org/resources/online-articles/112-does-the-bible-condone-slavery.
Favro, Diane. "Making Rome a World City." Pages 234-263 in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Augustus. Edited by Karl GalinskyCambridge Companions to the Ancient World. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Feder, Theodore H. . "Great Treasures of Pompeii and Herculaneum, pp. 24-25." Pages 'End of the banquet' by Unknown painter before 79 C.E. Abbeville, 1978.
Flower, Harriet I., The Dancing Lares and the Serpent in the Garden Religion at the Roman Street Corner. hardback ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017.
Fortenbaugh, William W. "Preface." Pages vii in Arius Didymus on Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management and Politics: Text, Translation and Discussion. Edited by William W. Fortenbaugh. Vol. 20 of Rutegers University Studies in Classical Humanities. Abingdon, UK; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.
Frank, Richard I. "Augustus' Legislation on Marriage and Children." California Studies in Classical Antiquity 8 (1975): 41-52.
Galinsky, Karl. "AUGUSTUS’ LEGISLATION ON MORALS AND MARRIAGE." Pages 126 in Philologus. Vol. 125 of. Berlin: Akademie Verlag GmbH, Markgrafenstr., 1981.
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Koebner, R. "Despot and Despotism: Vicissitudes of a Political Term." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 14, no. 3/4 (1951): 275-302.
McManus, Barbara F. "Ara Pacis, Augustus's family,." Pages: VRoma, 2006.
Munro, Natalie. Archaeological Dig Provides Clues to How Feasting Became an Important Ritual. University of Connecticut, 2017 [cited 02/01/18 2018]. Available from https://today.uconn.edu/2017/12/archaeological-dig-provides-clues-feasting-became-important-ritual/.
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Petronius. "Petronii Arbitri: Cena Trimalchionis." Pages. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.
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Rome, D.A.I. "Ara Pacis, north frieze. Head of toddler holding hand of togatus." Pages. Acta ad archaeologiam and artium historiam pertinentia vol. 14 pg. 9: Istituto di Norvegia in Roma, 2016.
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Endnotes
[1] For example: Cable, Does The Bible Condone Slavery? (Atheist Community of Austin, 2015 [cited 30/12/ 2019]); available from https://atheist-community.org/resources/online-articles/112-does-the-bible-condone-slavery.
[2] For a brief introduction to Arius and the consensus around attritbution of the Epitome see: Fortenbaugh, "Preface," in Arius Didymus on Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management and Politics: Text, Translation and Discussion(ed. Fortenbaugh; vol. 20 of Rutegers University Studies in Classical Humanities; Abingdon, UK
New York, NY: Routledge, 2018).
[3] Nagle, "Aristotle and Arius Didymus on household and πόλις," (Europeana Collections: Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, 2002), 199.
[4] Aristotle, "Politics," (vol. 264 of Loeb Classical Library, ed. Henderson; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1944), 1252b10.
[5] Tsouni, "Didymus' Epitome of Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management, and P[o]litics," in Arius Didymus on Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management and Politics: Text, Translation and Discussion(ed. Fortenbaugh; vol. 20 of Rutegers University Studies in Classical Humanities; Abingdon, UK; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018), 143.10.
[6] Aristotle, "Politics," 1252b8.
[7] Ibid., 1252b6-7.
[8] Ibid., 1252b9.
[9] For the importance to Augustus of marriage and the law reforms related to it see: Galinsky, "AUGUSTUS’ LEGISLATION ON MORALS AND MARRIAGE," in Philologus(vol. 125 of; Berlin: Akademie Verlag GmbH, Markgrafenstr., 1981), 126.and , Frank, "Augustus' Legislation on Marriage and Children," 8(1975): 46, For the κὰτα νόμον see: Tsouni, "Didymus' Epitome of Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management, and P[o]litics," 1252b8.
[10] Tsouni, "Didymus' Epitome of Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management, and P[o]litics," 143.10.
[11] Aristotle, "Politics," 1252b.8.
[12] Favro, "Making Rome a World City," in The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Augustus(ed. GalinskyCambridge Companions to the Ancient World; Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 246.
[13] Tarpin, "Forum d'Auguste. Restitution schématique d'après V. Kockel et H. Bauer, in Tarpin M., "Roma Fortunata"," (Paris: InFolio Editions, 2001).
[14] Συνέρχεσθαι γὰρ τῷ θήλει τὸ ἄρρεν - the male is in the nominative here and the female in the dative: Tsouni, "Didymus' Epitome of Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management, and P[o]litics," 143.15.
[15] Ibid., 143.14.; Romans 16:9
[16] Ibid., 144.14.
[17] Ibid., 144.20.
[18] Ibid., 144.80.
[19] Koebner, "Despot and Despotism: Vicissitudes of a Political Term," 14, no. 3/4 (1951): 276. See also Luke 2:29 and Acts 4:24.
[20] Tsouni, "Didymus' Epitome of Peripatetic Ethics, Household Management, and P[o]litics," 144.80, Provding a more popular reflection on this subject, Toner, The Roman Guide to Slave Management: A treatise by nobleman Marcus Sidonius Falx (New York NY: The Overlook Press, 2014), 8. says, 'But a household is just a house if it has no slaves.'
[21] Frank, "Augustus' Legislation on Marriage and Children," 44-46.
[22] Horace, "Odes and Epodes," (ed. Rudd; vol. 33 of Loeb Classical Library, ed. Henderson; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), Carm. saec. 17-20.
[23] McManus, "Ara Pacis, Augustus's family,," (VRoma, 2006).
[24] Holliday, "Roman Art and the State," in A Companion to Roman Art(ed. BorgBlackwell Companions to the Ancient World; Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2015), 201, Sande, "The "Barbarian Princes" in the Ara Pacis Procession and the origin and development of the so-called "Camillus Coiffure"," 28/14(2015): 11-12, Billows, "The religious procession of the Ara Pacis Augustae: Augustus' supplicatio in 13 B.C," 6(1993): 84-87. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990), 215-218.
[25] Rome, "Ara Pacis, south frieze. Boy between Agrippa and Julia(?)," (ACTA AD ARCHAEOLOGIAM AND ARTIVM HISTORIAM PERTINENTIA vol. 14 pg. 9: Istituto di Norvegia in Roma, 2016).
[26] Rome, "Ara Pacis, north frieze. Toddler holding the hand of a togatus," (ACTA AD ARCHAEOLOGIAM AND ARTIVM HISTORIAM PERTINENTIA vol. 14 pg. 9: Istituto di Norvegia in Roma, 2016).
[27] Rome, "Ara Pacis, north frieze. Head of toddler holding hand of togatus," (Acta ad archaeologiam and artium historiam pertinentia vol. 14 pg. 9: Istituto di Norvegia in Roma, 2016).
[28] Rome, "Ara Pacis, south frieze. Head of the boy between Agrippa and Julia(?)," (ACTA AD ARCHAEOLOGIAM AND ARTIVM HISTORIAM PERTINENTIA vol. 14 pg. 9: Istituto di Norvegia in Roma, 2016).
[29] Sande, "The "Barbarian Princes" in the Ara Pacis Procession and the origin and development of the so-called "Camillus Coiffure"," 11-12.
[30] Ibid., 13.
[31] Munro, Archaeological Dig Provides Clues to How Feasting Became an Important Ritual (University of Connecticut, 2017 [cited 02/01/18 2018]); available from https://today.uconn.edu/2017/12/archaeological-dig-provides-clues-feasting-became-important-ritual/.
[32] Feder, "Great Treasures of Pompeii and Herculaneum, pp. 24-25," (Abbeville, 1978).
[33] Joshel and Petersen, The Material Life of Roman Slaves (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 45.
[34] Sosnovskiy, "Lares and Genius. Fresco from Pompeii (insula VIII, 2, lararium). Fourth style. 69—79 CE," in Naples, National Archaeological Museum - Inv. No. 8905(www.ancientrom.ru, 2008).
[35] Flower, The Dancing Lares and the Serpent in the Garden
Religion at the Roman Street Corner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), 55.
[36] Sande, "The "Barbarian Princes" in the Ara Pacis Procession and the origin and development of the so-called "Camillus Coiffure"," 8.
[37] Pollini, "Slave-Boys for Sexual and Religious Service: Images of Pleasure and Devotion," in Flavian Rome(ed. Boyle and Dominik: Brill, 2002), 153.
[38] Ibid., 154. referencing , Seneca, "Epistles, Volume I: Epistles 1-65," (vol. 75 of Loeb Classical Library, ed. Henderson; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1917), 47.7.
[39] Henderson, "Wrapping up the Case: Reading Ovid, Amores, 2, 7 (+ 8) II," no. 28 (1992): 34.
[40] Pollini, "Slave-Boys for Sexual and Religious Service: Images of Pleasure and Devotion," 155.
[41] Ibid., 153 and 155.
[42] Ibid., 157. referencing , Seneca, "Epistles, Volume III: Epistles 93-124," (vol. 77 of Loeb Classical Library, ed. Henderson; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1925), 95.24.
[43] Pollini, "Slave-Boys for Sexual and Religious Service: Images of Pleasure and Devotion," 157.
[44] Petronius, "Petronii Arbitri: Cena Trimalchionis," (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 58.5-6 and 27.1-2.
[45] Schmeling, "A Commentary on The Satyrica of Petronius," (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 87.
[46] Petronius, "Petronii Arbitri: Cena Trimalchionis," 75.10-11.
[47] Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, 217-218.
[48] Ibid., 217.
[49] Ibid., 218.
[50] Sande, "The "Barbarian Princes" in the Ara Pacis Procession and the origin and development of the so-called "Camillus Coiffure"," 10.
[51] Ibid., 19.
[52] Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, 218.
[53] Revelation 18:13